The recordThe denial was withdrawn by its author. Putin said on 4 March 2014 that the armed men in Crimea were local self-defence units in uniforms anyone could buy; on 17 April 2014 he said Russian servicemen had stood behind them; on 15 March 2015 he described ordering the operation on the night of 22–23 February 2014. The Crimea claim does not need the Hub to refute it.
Fair to sayLocal people did take part on the separatist side in 2014; the OSCE SMM reported what it saw and did not draw conclusions; and the Russian regular-army presence in Donbas between 2015 and 2021 was intermittent and partly covert. None of this is "no Russian troops".
Claim 1 · Vladimir Putin · press conference, Novo-Ogaryovo, 4 Mar 2014“[The armed men in Crimea were] local militias… [Russian-style fatigues are] available in army shops across the former Soviet Union. [RIA Novosti's English report of the press conference]”
Press conference, Novo-Ogaryovo, 4 Mar 2014, as reported by RIA Novosti, "Putin denies sending Russian troops to Crimea", 4 Mar 2014 (GlobalSecurity mirror) · source ↗ Contradicted by Russia's own PresidentPutin, Direct Line, 17 Apr 2014: "our military personnel was behind the backs of Crimea's self-defence" (RIA English); Putin in "Crimea. The Way Home", Rossiya 1, 15 Mar 2015: at the end of an all-night Kremlin meeting on 22–23 Feb 2014 he told the heads of the security services, "We are obliged to start working to return Crimea to Russia". The ECtHR found that Russia exercised effective control over Crimea in the period from 27 Feb 2014, before the "referendum" (admissibility decision, 16 Dec 2020; judgment, 25 Jun 2024), and that courts applying Russian law in Crimea are not "established by law" because an occupying power may not replace local law with its own. Concedes: That armed men in Russian-pattern uniforms without insignia had taken control of Crimea's institutions — the fact Russia was explaining away.Evidence tiers: A
Claim 2 · Vladimir Putin · Direct Line, Moscow, 17 Apr 2014“Therefore, our military personnel was behind the backs of Crimea's self-defense. [They acted] very correctly, decisively, and professionally. [RIA Novosti English]”
Direct Line, 17 Apr 2014, as reported by RIA Novosti English (GlobalSecurity mirror) and The Moscow Times, "Putin says Russian forces were deployed to Crimea", 17 Apr 2014 · source ↗ Self-incriminatingThe statement reverses claim 1 six weeks later and is the basis on which the ECtHR and the General Assembly's position rest: a change of territory brought about by the armed forces of another state is not an exercise of self-determination (res. 68/262; Art. 2(4) UN Charter). Putin's same answer denied any presence in the east: the article records only that Russia wanted to avoid "events like those in southeastern Ukraine" — the claim examined in claims 3–6. Concedes: Everything claim 1 denied: that Russian servicemen were deployed in Crimea, under orders, during the "referendum".Evidence tiers: A
Claim 3 · Sergey Lavrov, Minister of Foreign Affairs · Rossiya 1, Vladivostok, 11 Apr 2014 · Dmitry Peskov, 15 Apr 2014“There are no Russian troops or agents there. … [Peskov:] This is an absurd statement. There are no Russian troops there.”
Lavrov: Kyiv Post (archive) citing Rossiya 1, 11 Apr 2014 · Peskov: RIA Novosti, 15 Apr 2014 · source ↗ Already adjudicatedECtHR admissibility decision, 25 Jan 2023: the Court relied on evidence of Russian military personnel in eastern Ukraine from April 2014, the extensive provision of Russian weapons, and "the large-scale deployment of Russian troops from August 2014 at the very latest"; Russia exercised effective control over the areas held by the "DPR/LPR" from 11 May 2014 (confirmed in the judgment of 9 Jul 2025). The man who took Sloviansk on 12 Apr 2014 — one day after Lavrov's statement — was Igor Girkin, a serving FSB colonel until 2013 who had come from Crimea; he said in Zavtra (Nov 2014): "I was the one who pulled the trigger of this war… If our unit had not crossed the border, it would have all fizzled out." The Dutch court convicted Girkin for MH17 as a "functional perpetrator" and found the "DPR" took directions from Russia from mid-May 2014. Concedes: The standard Russia set for itself: that the presence of Russian "troops or agents" would be wrongful. Girkin's own account answers it.Evidence tiers: A · C
Claim 4 · Russian Ministry of Defence source to RIA Novosti · 26 Aug 2014 · Vladimir Putin, Ulan-Bator, 26 Aug 2014“[The paratroopers] were patrolling the Russian-Ukrainian border, and crossed it, probably, accidentally, at an unmarked border point. … [Putin: they may have strayed into Ukraine unintentionally; Ukrainian forces had crossed into Russia in larger numbers.]”
RIA Novosti, 26 Aug 2014 (Moscow Times, "Russia claims captured soldiers crossed Ukraine border by accident"); Putin via RIA, 28 Aug 2014 (GlobalSecurity mirror); Chizhov on Rossiya 24: "nine… paratroopers who accidentally crossed into Ukraine" · source ↗ Contradicted by the ECtHR recordTen servicemen of military unit 71211 (331st Regiment, 98th Airborne Division, Kostroma) were detained near Dzerkalne, Donetsk region, on 25 Aug 2014 — about 20 km inside Ukraine. The MoD confirmed they were Russian. Within days Ukrainian forces were encircled at Ilovaisk; the ECtHR placed "the large-scale deployment of Russian troops from August 2014 at the very latest" (25 Jan 2023). On 8 Nov 2014 the OSCE SMM recorded a convoy of more than 40 unmarked military trucks — 19 towing 122 mm howitzers, crews in dark-green uniforms without insignia — moving west at Makiivka, and nine unmarked tanks in Donetsk (spot report, 8 Nov 2014). Graves of paratroopers of the 76th Division appeared near Pskov in the same week as the capture; their markings were removed (Moscow Times, 27 Aug 2014; Tier C). Concedes: That the ten men were serving Russian soldiers, armed and in Ukraine — the fact in dispute. The Chizhov figure ("nine") is itself an admission of presence.Evidence tiers: A · C
Claim 5 · Dmitry Peskov · Moscow, 18 May 2015“We along with the Defense Ministry have repeatedly said that there are no Russian soldiers in Donbass.”
Sputnik, "No Russian troops in Donbass — Kremlin", 18 May 2015 (responding to the capture of Yerofeyev and Aleksandrov near Shchastia on 16 May 2015) · source ↗ Contradicted by Russia's own decreeTen days later, on 28 May 2015, Putin signed a decree adding to the list of state secrets information on losses of personnel "in peacetime during special operations"; until then only wartime losses were secret (Meduza, 28 May 2015). The two captured men, Yevgeny Yerofeyev and Aleksandr Aleksandrov, said they were serving in the 3rd GRU Spetsnaz Brigade (Tolyatti); they were convicted in Kyiv in April 2016 and exchanged for Nadiya Savchenko in May 2016. On 2 Aug 2015 an armed man guarding a heavy-weapons holding site told the SMM his unit was "the 16th airborne brigade from Orenburg, Russian Federation" (SMM daily report, 3 Aug 2015). The ECtHR's finding of effective control covers the whole period from 11 May 2014 to at least 26 Jan 2022. Concedes: That the question had been asked "repeatedly" — because Russian soldiers kept being captured, buried and photographed.Evidence tiers: A · C
Claim 6 · Vladimir Putin · annual press conference, Moscow, 17 Dec 2015“We have never said that there are no people there involved in resolving some certain issues, including those related to the military sphere. But this does not mean that there are regular Russian troops there. Feel the difference.”
RFE/RL, 17 Dec 2015 (GlobalSecurity mirror) · source ↗ Concedes presence; the distinction has no legal weight"People… in the military sphere" is an admission that claims 3 and 5 were untrue. International law attributes conduct to a state that directs or controls it, whatever the formal status of the persons (ILC Articles on State Responsibility, art. 8). The ECtHR did not require proof of regular units: effective control through "military, political and economic support" to the separatist entities sufficed for Russian jurisdiction from 11 May 2014 (25 Jan 2023; 9 Jul 2025). The Dutch court applied the same logic: because the "DPR" took Russia's directions, the conflict was international from mid-May 2014; because Russia denied the "DPR" was part of its forces, its fighters could not claim combatant immunity (17 Nov 2022). Concedes: That Russians "in the military sphere" were in Donbas with the Kremlin's knowledge — twenty months after "there are no Russian troops there".Evidence tiers: A · C
Claim 7 · Vitaly Churkin · UN General Assembly, 80th plenary meeting, 27 Mar 2014“We call on everyone to respect that voluntary choice. [The draft is] confrontational in nature [and its adoption] was not necessary.”
UN press release GA/11493, 27 Mar 2014 (UN Meetings Coverage summary) · source ↗ Rejected by 100 statesResolution 68/262 "Territorial integrity of Ukraine": 100 in favour, 11 against, 58 abstentions. It underscores "the invalidity of the 16 March referendum" and calls on states not to recognise any change in the status of Crimea or Sevastopol. The "voluntary choice" was made with Russian servicemen "behind the backs" of the self-defence forces, as Putin confirmed three weeks later (claim 2). Every General Assembly resolution on Crimea since (73/263, 74/17, 75/192 and others) has restated the position; the ECtHR treats Crimea as occupied territory under international humanitarian law (25 Jun 2024). Concedes: That the lawfulness of the referendum depended on its being free of foreign armed force — the condition Russia's own President later said was not met.Evidence tiers: A
What we askDate the aggression from 27 Feb 2014 (Crimea) and 11 May 2014 (Donbas) in all accountability texts, citing the ECtHR judgments of 25 Jun 2024 and 9 Jul 2025 · restate resolution 68/262 and the non-recognition of any change in Crimea's status · support execution of both inter-state judgments at the Committee of Ministers and the just-satisfaction stage · ask Russia to publish the names of its servicemen killed in Ukraine 2014–2021, as the 28 May 2015 decree prevents · use Russia's own admissions (17 Apr 2014; 15 Mar 2015; 17 Dec 2015) rather than contested figures when rebutting "no Russian troops".
SourcesPutin, 4 Mar, 17 Apr 2014, 17 Dec 2015 via RIA/RFE/RL · Lavrov, Rossiya 1, 11 Apr 2014 · Peskov 15 Apr 2014, 18 May 2015 · RIA/Moscow Times 26–28 Aug 2014 · VOA on "Crimea. The Way Home", Mar 2015 · GA/11493 · OSCE SMM 8 Nov 2014, 3 Aug 2015; Hug 25 Mar 2016 · ECtHR 25 Jan 2023, 25 Jun 2024, 9 Jul 2025 · District Court of The Hague 17 Nov 2022 · Meduza 28 May 2015 · Zavtra/Girkin Nov 2014 · EUvsDisinfo · full list on page 6
Putin, Lavrov, Peskov, Churkin · Moscow, Vladivostok, New York · 2014–2021. From the first days in Crimea to the eve of the full-scale invasion, Russia's answer to every question about its soldiers in Ukraine was the same: there are none. The men in unmarked uniforms were "local militias"; the captured paratroopers had "lost their way"; the dead were "volunteers". Russia's own President, decrees and medals said otherwise, and in 2024 and 2025 the European Court of Human Rights fixed the dates: effective Russian control of Crimea from 27 February 2014 and of the "DPR/LPR" areas from 11 May 2014. Seven claims, the record, and what each concedes.