The recordThe admission is on the record. "It turns out that striking bridges, power plants, railway facilities and warehouses is not allowed." It does not "turn out": the ICC found reasonable grounds in 2024 that Russia's strikes on Ukraine's electric infrastructure were directed at civilian objects, and issued warrants for the officers who ran them. The Russian Mission to the OSCE has now said, in writing, that power plants are the target.
Fair to sayUkraine does strike refineries, depots and bridges inside Russia and says so; OHCHR relays Russian-reported casualties (496 killed, Jan–Sep 2026) it cannot verify. The law binds both sides. It does not make one side's violations a licence for the other's — and Ukraine has accepted a full ceasefire since March 2025; Russia, in Vienna, said it will not.
Claim 1 · Dmitry Polyanskiy · PC No. 1579 · 1 Oct“Our SMO will continue until the "party of war" in Europe is out of business and the European elites stop "putting spokes in the wheels" of efforts to achieve real peace. Or else until the complete military collapse of the Kyiv regime. [RIA Novosti adds: in Polyanskiy's view the probability of the second scenario looks even higher, given the pace of the Russian troops' advance.] (translated)”
Statement at a closed session of the OSCE Permanent Council, Vienna, 1 Oct 2026, text published by RIA Novosti, 1 Oct 2026, 15:05 Moscow time — ria.ru/20261001/rossija-2121468488.html (translated from the Russian) · source ↗ Fair to say — and contradicted by Russia's own line at the UNThis is a self-description and is taken as such: the stated condition for ending the war is the military defeat of Ukraine's government. Eight days later at the Security Council (9 Oct, SC/16472) Russia's representative said Moscow "has never refused" negotiations and that it was Kyiv that "consciously chose to aggravate the situation". The UN Secretariat the same day called for a "full, immediate and unconditional ceasefire" (SC/16472). Ukraine accepted a full 30-day ceasefire on 11 Mar 2025 (Jeddah joint statement) and 47 States restated that at the Council on 23 Sep 2026. Concedes: The war aim: not "security guarantees" or "denazification" but the collapse of the government of a UN member State — the object of UN Charter art. 2(4).Evidence tiers: A
Claim 2 · Dmitry Polyanskiy · PC No. 1580 · 8 Oct“Kyiv may well be ready for a ceasefire — to lick its wounds, stock up on weapons and gather its strength — but no one intends to give such a gift to the Kyiv regime and its sponsors again, remembering the history of the Minsk agreements. (translated)”
Statement at the OSCE Permanent Council, 8 Oct 2026, text published by RIA Novosti, 8 Oct 2026, 14:00 — ria.ru/20261008/rossija-2123186991.html (translated from the Russian) · source ↗ Misreads Minsk — Russia wrote itPoint 1 of the Minsk Package of Measures (12 Feb 2015) is an "immediate and comprehensive ceasefire"; Russia's ambassador co-signed it in the Trilateral Contact Group, and Russia drafted and sponsored Security Council resolution 2202 (2015), adopted unanimously on 17 Feb 2015, which "calls on all parties to fully implement the Package of measures, including a comprehensive ceasefire" (SC/11785). For seven years Russia called itself a guarantor and demanded the Package be implemented "word for word" (Churkin, SC/11785). On 22 Feb 2022 President Putin said the agreements "no longer exist". The ECtHR Grand Chamber has since found that Russia controlled the "republics" from 11 May 2014 (9 Jul 2025) — a party, not a guarantor. The "gift" Russia now refuses is the thing it put its name to. Concedes: That Russia refuses a ceasefire on principle — the answer to "who blocks the ceasefire", in Russia's own words.Evidence tiers: A
Claim 3 · RIA Novosti gloss on Polyanskiy's "history of the Minsk agreements" · 8 Oct“[After the start of the SMO, Hollande, Merkel and Johnson said that] neither France, nor Germany, nor the United Kingdom ever took the Minsk agreements seriously… and only used them to buy time so that Kyiv could build up its forces and prepare for a conflict with Russia. (translated; RIA's words, carried with the statement)”
RIA Novosti, 8 Oct 2026, same article; the claim recurs in Russian MFA and Mission statements since Dec 2022 · source ↗ Misquotes Merkel and Hollande; no Johnson statement foundMerkel, Die Zeit, 7 Dec 2022: "The 2014 Minsk agreement was an attempt to give Ukraine time. It also used this time to become stronger, as can be seen today" ("…war der Versuch, der Ukraine Zeit zu geben"). Hollande, Kyiv Independent, 28 Dec 2022: "Yes, Angela Merkel is right on this point… It is the merit of the Minsk agreements to have given the Ukrainian army this opportunity." Neither said the agreements were never taken seriously or were a ruse; both described a frozen conflict that bought time. Putin's own reaction (Bishkek, 9 Dec 2022): "Frankly, this was completely unexpected for me" — i.e. Moscow had treated the German side as sincere. No statement by Boris Johnson that the UK "never took Minsk seriously" has been found; the UK was not part of the Normandy format (France, Germany, Russia, Ukraine). The OSCE Special Monitoring Mission recorded ceasefire violations by both sides throughout 2015–2022 (daily reports). Concedes: That Minsk was a ceasefire that held, however badly, for seven years — which is what the 2026 "gift" would be.Evidence tiers: A · C
Claim 4 · Dmitry Polyanskiy · PC No. 1580 · 8 Oct“The head of the Kyiv regime never tires of threatening Russia with an escalation he is in no position to deliver… the targets hit by the Russian Armed Forces' retaliatory strikes on facilities supporting Kyiv's war machine are so many… (translated)”
Statement at the OSCE Permanent Council, 8 Oct 2026, text published by RIA Novosti, 8 Oct 2026, 14:01 — ria.ru/20261008/zelenskij-2123187188.html (translated from the Russian) · source ↗ Contradicted by monitorsThe "targets" of the previous night and day: on 7 Oct Russia launched about 70 missiles plus dozens of Shahed and 46 jet-powered drones (Zelensky / Air Force via Reuters, 7 Oct); the EU statement at the Permanent Council spoke of "around 70 missiles — many of them ballistic — and drones, killing at least 22 people, including 5 children" (EU statement, PC No. 1580, 8 Oct). The UN Secretariat told the Security Council on 9 Oct that a missile "destroyed a residential building" in Pryluky, killing at least 19 including five children, and that in one week more than 100 civilians were killed and at least 429 injured (SC/16472). Russia's Ministry of Defence listed "Plastmass-Pryluky" among the enterprises struck on 7 Oct (Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 7 Oct) — the hit was a five-storey apartment block; according to Ukrainian authorities 22 were killed including five children and 54 injured (Ukraine's State Emergency Service, 8 Oct · Tier B, operational). HRMMU's September update: 328 killed, 2,105 injured, 53% by missiles and long-range drones (15 Oct 2026). Concedes: The 7 Oct barrage, its scale, and its motive in his own word — "retaliatory": a reprisal, which AP I art. 52(1) forbids against civilian objects.Evidence tiers: A · B · C
Claim 5 · Dmitry Polyanskiy · Mission Telegram, relayed by RIA Novosti · 10 Oct“It turns out that striking bridges, power plants, railway facilities and warehouses is not allowed. Or rather, no one is allowed to — except Zelensky. (translated)”
Russian Mission to the OSCE, Telegram post 8616, 10 Oct 2026 — t.me/RusMissionOSCE/8616; relayed by RIA Novosti, 10 Oct 2026, 14:56 — ria.ru/20261010/polyanskiy-2123675265.html (translated from the Russian) · source ↗ Already adjudicated — and self-incriminatingICC Pre-Trial Chamber II, 5 Mar 2024: arrest warrants for Lt-Gen Sergei Kobylash (Long-Range Aviation) and Adm. Viktor Sokolov (Black Sea Fleet) for "missile strikes carried out by the Russian armed forces against the Ukrainian electric infrastructure from at least 10 October 2022 until at least 9 March 2023" — the war crimes of directing attacks at civilian objects (art. 8(2)(b)(ii)) and causing excessive incidental harm (art. 8(2)(b)(iv)), and the crime against humanity of inhumane acts (art. 7(1)(k)). 24 Jun 2024: the same charges against Sergei Shoigu and Valery Gerasimov; the Chamber found reasonable grounds that "the alleged strikes were directed against civilian objects" and, for any installation that might have been a military objective, that the expected civilian harm "would have been clearly excessive to the anticipated military advantage". The Commission of Inquiry found the waves of attacks on energy infrastructure from 10 Oct 2022 may amount to crimes against humanity (A/HRC/55/66, Mar 2024) and on 21 Sep 2026 warned that continued attacks were "increasing civilians' vulnerability" before winter. Power plants are not "allowed" when the foreseeable effect is to cut heat, water and light to millions (AP I arts. 51(5)(b), 52, 54). Concedes: In writing, from the Mission's own channel: that power plants, railways and bridges are the targets — the element the ICC had to prove.Evidence tiers: A · C
Claim 6 · Dmitry Polyanskiy · Mission Telegram · 10 Oct“Make up your minds about your principled position, ladies and gentlemen — and for a start, restrain your protégés in Kyiv, otherwise nothing will be left of Ukraine's infrastructure before long! (translated)”
t.me/RusMissionOSCE/8616; RIA Novosti, 10 Oct 2026 · source ↗ Self-incriminating — a threat against civilian infrastructureAP I art. 51(2) prohibits "acts or threats of violence the primary purpose of which is to spread terror among the civilian population"; art. 54(2) prohibits attacking, destroying or rendering useless objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population. On 15–16 Oct the Chief of the General Staff reported to the President that Russian forces "have begun massive strikes on Ukraine's energy facilities" and that a "list of these objects" had been drawn up (Interfax/TASS, 16 Oct); on 15 Oct President Putin said "they are already squealing about energy… and other objects, including data centres" (RIA Novosti). The UN Secretariat: "repeated attacks on energy infrastructure risk leaving large numbers of civilians without heating, electricity and water" as winter approaches (SC/16472, 9 Oct). OCHA has a $358 million winter plan for 2 million people, and "no amount of preparedness can substitute for protecting the infrastructure civilians depend on" (SC/16472). Concedes: Intent: the destruction of a country's infrastructure as leverage on third States — reprisal logic, which AP I art. 52(1) forbids.Evidence tiers: A · C
Claim 7 · Dmitry Polyanskiy · Mission Telegram · 10 Oct“Now all those who once rejoiced at Ukrainian militants' hits on infrastructure in Russia, who threatened our bridges and our energy sector, have suddenly raised a howl about the objects struck in Ukraine. (translated)”
t.me/RusMissionOSCE/8616; RIA Novosti, 10 Oct 2026 · source ↗ Partly fair — and tu quoque is no defenceUkraine strikes refineries, fuel depots, airfields and bridges in Russia and says so; Russia's representative listed them at the Security Council on 9 Oct (SC/16472). OHCHR records reports of 496 civilians killed and 3,394 injured in Russia by Ukrainian attacks, Jan–Sep 2026 — figures "reported by Russian authorities" that OHCHR cannot verify, since Russia gives it no access (SC/16472; DiCarlo, 23 Sep 2026). The Secretariat's rule covers both: "All attacks targeting civilians and civilian infrastructure, wherever they occur, are a violation of international humanitarian law and must end immediately" (SC/16472). A refinery is not a power plant serving a city: the distinction is between a military objective (AP I art. 52(2)) and an object indispensable to civilian survival (art. 54). And a violation by one party never licenses the other — reprisals against civilian objects are prohibited (art. 52(1)). Concedes: That Russian strikes on Ukrainian infrastructure are a response to Ukrainian strikes — a reprisal motive, stated.Evidence tiers: A · C
What we askAsk the OSCE Secretariat to post the Russian PC.DEL texts of 1 and 8 Oct 2026 promptly, so the record is the Council's, not RIA's · put the 10 Oct "power plants" statement on the record at the next Permanent Council and in the Security Council, next to the ICC warrants of 5 Mar and 24 Jun 2024 · ask Russia to say whether it stands by its own resolution 2202 (2015) and the Minsk ceasefire it co-signed · support the Commission of Inquiry's and HRMMU's work on the autumn energy campaign and the OCHA Winter Response Plan ($358 m) · restate the ceasefire Ukraine accepted on 11 Mar 2025 and ask Russia, in Vienna, to accept it.
SourcesRIA Novosti, 1, 8 and 10 Oct 2026 · Russian Mission to the OSCE, Telegram 8616, 10 Oct · EU statement, PC No. 1580, 8 Oct · UN Meetings Coverage SC/16472, 9 Oct 2026 · HRMMU, Protection of Civilians, Sept 2026 (15 Oct) · ICC, 5 Mar and 24 Jun 2024 · COI A/HRC/55/66; COI statement 21 Sep 2026 (via SCR) · S/RES/2202 (2015); SC/11785 · Die Zeit, 7 Dec 2022; Kyiv Independent, 28 Dec 2022; TASS, 30 Dec 2022 · Kremlin, 22 Feb 2022 · ECtHR GC, 9 Jul 2025 · Security Council Report, Sep–Oct 2026 · Meduza, 8 Oct 2026 · Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 7 Oct 2026 · full list on page 6
Dmitry Polyanskiy, Russia's Permanent Representative to the OSCE · Permanent Council, Vienna · 1, 8 and 10 Oct 2026. In ten days Russia's new envoy to the OSCE told the Permanent Council that the war will go on until Europe's "party of war" is "out of business" — "or else until the complete military collapse of the Kyiv regime", the outcome he called more likely, that no one will give Kyiv "the gift" of a ceasefire because of Minsk, and that it "turns out" striking power plants, bridges and railways "is not allowed". The record answers each line — and the third one is an admission the International Criminal Court has already charged.